Home
affairs minister Advocate Sahara Khatun said that the masterminds of the
killing of Bangabandhu in 1975, the grenade attack on Prime Minister Sheikh
Hasina on August 21 and the attempt to smuggle 10 truckloads of arms in 2004
have been masterminded by the same group and followers of the same ideology.
‘The Pakistanis wanted to kill Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman several times
during their reign so their associates killed him, along with most of his
family, in independent Bangladesh,’ she said while addressing a roundtable on
‘The national mourning day, grenade attack on August 21 and Chittagong arms
haul — in quest of the godfathers’ at Dhanmondi. The roundtable, chaired by
Justice Golam Rabbani, was organized by the Heritage Foundation of Bangladesh.
It was addressed by chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on the law
ministry Suranjit Sengupta, state minister for law Qamrul Islam, former state
minister Abul Hassan Chowdhury, former ambassador Waliur Rahman, former
secretary Syed Rezaul Hayat and Dr Syed Anwar Hossain, along with others.
Farhad Hossain, associate professor of the English department of Mohammadpur
Kendrio Biswabiddalaya College, and Mamun-ur-Rashid, senior reporter of the
daily Janakantha, read out separate keynote papers at the round table. Sahara
Khatun said that the national trauma has been partially cured by the execution
of the five killers of Bangabandhu on January 27 this year. Notices have
already been issued through Interpol to find the six fugitive killers and they
must be brought back within the shortest possible time, she said, adding that
the godfathers behind the killing of Bangabandhu are still active inside and
outside the country. Those godfathers were behind the grenade attack on Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina on 21 August, 2004 because they wanted to destroy the
leadership of Awami League to complete their earlier mission, said Sahara,
adding that the same group tried to smuggled 10 truckloads of arms into the
country for launching widespread destructive operations in Bangladesh. She said
that the anti-liberation forces defeated in 1971 have been putting up obstructions
to stop the trial of war criminals and urged all to be careful and united
against these embittered militant forces. Suranjit Sengupta said that
counter-revolutionary forces killed Bangabandhu in 1975, and later their leader
General Zia tried to turn the country into a mini-Pakistan in the name of
multi-party democracy. Terming the present time as very crucial, he called upon
all the pro-liberation forces to be united against those godfathers and their
associates who are still active in many ways and under many banners. State
minister for law Qamrul Islam said that the killers of Bangabandhu had tried to
demolish the spirit of the liberation war in order to reunite the country with
Pakistan in line with the two-nation theory. Accusing General Zia of being
involved in the killing of Bangabandhu, the state minister alleged that his
wife Khaleda Zia had also tried to kill Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and most
of the senior Awami League leaders by launching the grenade attack on 21
August, 2004. Terming General Zia as an ‘intruder’ in the liberation war, he
said that after the killing of Bangabandhu, Zia proved his anti-liberation
stance by sheltering Bangabandhu’s killers, rehabilitating Razakars like Shah
Aziz into politics and killing hundreds of freedom-fighters in the army like
Colonel Abu Taher Bir Uttam. Accusing former state minister Lutfozzaman Babar
of masterminding the grenade attack on 21 August, 2004, Qamrul said that the
forces that killed Bangabandhu in 1975 and tried to smuggle arms through the
CUFL’s jetty in Chittagong were the same.
Masterminds
of ‘75 killings, Aug 21 attack the same : Advocate Shahara Khatun,
Minister for Home Affairs
THE
GRENADE ATTACK ON SHEIKH HASINA: THE WHY AND HOW OF A NEUTRAL INVESTIGATION
The
Attack and the Immediate Reaction
The
grenade attack on Awami League rally at Bangabandhu Avenue on 21 August was
undoubtedly aimed at assassination of Sheikh Hasina. Before she could leave the
place of occurrence there were at least 9 grenade blasts and many rounds of
shooting. A very determined and well-planned attack was launched and it was
carried out in about a couple of minutes. Despite heavy, although less than
normal, deployment of police personnel and strict security arrangements in the
area the criminals fled the spot safely.
By
the grace of Allah Sheikh Hasina escaped this dastardly attack as a number of
Awami League leaders and workers laid down their lives, some in attempting to
save her and others as innocent victims of the barbarous arrack. We bemoan the
loss of Ivy Rahman, secretary of women’s affairs of Awami League, and 21 other
dead souls. Hundreds of leaders and workers are still fighting for life and
many have been permanently maimed. We pray for their recovery and solace.
In
its immediate reaction Awami League termed it as a planned assassination
attempt and unequivocally accused the government for its complicity in the
attack. It was a repeat performance of 15 August 1975 when Bangabandhu and
members of his family and other relations and staff were murdered most
brutally. It was suspected that the same reactionary forces, the defeated
rajakars and fundamentalists and the slaves of Pakistan, were once again back
in their nefarious pursuit. Awami League also saw in this attack a culmination
of the overall state of lawlessness, the rise of extremist groups and series of
murders of AL leaders and bomb or grenade attacks on secular institutions and
gatherings all over the country. All other opposition parties concurred with
such an assessment. All the opposition forces considered it to be an attack on
liberal traditions of the country, an attack on democracy and secularism.
Why
did the Awami League accuse the government immediately following the grenade
attack? From past experience it was suspected that investigation would be
misdirected and it would be eyewash. The incident was so serious that it
required a thorough scrutiny and it was felt that the government should be put
on notice not to neglect the gravity of the issue.
The
Background and the Attack of 21 August
Since
the BNP-Jamat alliance came to power nearly three years ago terrorism got a new
lease of life in the country. Under the patronage of the ruling parties
violence directed against the members of minority communities and against
opposition forces flourished and threat to the life of Sheikh Hasina increased
exponentially.Before the end of 2001 they annulled the law on security for
Sheikh Hasina and her sister and withdrew the protection provided by the SSF.
Because of constant threat on the lives of the only surviving children of the
Father of the Nation such a law was enacted in 2001 prior to Sheikh Hasina’s
completion of term as the Prime Minister. A General Diary entry made in a
police station on 30 November 2001 recorded by Sohail Taj, newly elected MP of
Kapasia, stated that in view of the threat on the lives of the members of the
family of the Father of the Nation this annulment of the law would prompt
conspiracy by evil terrorist forces to assassinate them and attempt murder. How
prophetic was the perception of the young MP!
In
actual fact since 2002 four assassination attempts have been made on Sheikh
Hasina’s life. At first at Naogaon on 4 March 2002, second on 29 August 2003 at
Satkhira, third on 26 February 2004 at Barisal Ferryghat and the next on 2
April at Gournadi. On every occasion proper attention of the government was
drawn and protection sought. Almost invariably armed cadres of BNP were
involved in these attacks. On 5 July 2004 when she was on tour at Istanbul in
Turkey she was threatened on telephone both at Istanbul and at Dhaka. As usual
the government was requested to investigate and take precautionary measures.
But the government followed the policy of benign neglect and Khaleda Zia
instead joked about it in parliament.The most violent grenade attack on 21
August was the culmination of all these incidents and it happened in broad daylight
in the presence of hundreds of security personnel and in a crowded public
rally. A series of grenades were thrown and several rounds of gunfire followed
it and the criminals escaped unharmed and undetected. The police it seemed
helped them to flee by clubbing and tear gassing the milling crowd.
It
was a widely publicized political protest gathering and numerous agencies and
offices of the government monitored it. The various branches of the police, the
different intelligence agencies, the civil administration, and the municipal
authorities – no one had a clue and no one could identify a criminal not to
speak of catching or injuring any. Even almost a month after the incident there
is no suspect or no arrest of a possible culprit.
The
after-thought of the ruling junta, now reported to have been indirectly
legitimized by the farce of a judicial probe, about the unannounced change of
venue for the rally is just false. True that permission was sought for
Muktangon but used to the usual government tactics of frustrating all plans for
protest rallies or gatherings at the last moment alternative arrangements had
to be made for Bangabandhu Avenue, only a few steps away. This fascist
government never allows any protest demonstration by anybody and tries to frustrate
them through various devices such as last minute denial of police permission
for location, attack by their cadres, and illegal police barricade and resort
to lathi charge, teargas shells and arrests. Bangabandhu Avenue as the venue,
however, was widely publicized through microphone announcements and
advertisements in newspapers for a number of days. The fact that the venue was
Bangabandhu Avenue was so public that electronic media took position in advance
of the event at that place to cover the rally.
The
legitimate question is what were the security personnel engaged in protecting
the Leader of the Opposition and other officials deployed for the rally doing?
How did all the intelligence agencies fail to cope with the situation? Is it
utter incompetence or criminal negligence? Or is it complicity of the
government in the preplanned and well-rehearsed assassination attempt?Let us
look at the allegation of complicity of the government. The spread of violence,
the growth of extremist groups and the record of investigation of the last
three years may first be examined to find some clues. Then we can look at the
developments since the attack.
Spread
of ViolenceIncidents of violence involving use
of explosives began in 1999 and it was thought that the intention was
destabilization of the polity as well as the economy of the country. A list of
all these incidents is provided below. During AL period there were seven
incidents of bomb blast, two in the last month of its term. Investigation on
two incidents resulted in submission of charge sheet against accused persons
and trials were about to begin. Help from FBI was also sought in one of these
cases. In connection with two other incidents investigations led to arrests of
a few suspects. On three other incidents, including the two latest ones,
investigation was incomplete. Thus there is no truth in the allegation that
these cases were not investigated properly. We shall soon find out how all the
cases and investigations have been derailed or halted by Khaleda-Nizami junta.
In
three months of Caretaker government there were three more cases. The junta has
closed two cases failing to find any accused person and only one case is still
under investigation. The Caretaker government dealt conclusively with only one
incident that took place earlier. They closed investigation on Khulna Ahmadiya
incident by submitting a final report on 23 August 2001.During BNP-Jamat rule
of three years there has been 8 incidents of bomb blasts and 4 more of grenade
throw. There are also several cases of seizure of cachet of arms and
explosives. Investigations started by AL government were either halted or
started afresh by the BNP-Jamat junta. In the Udichi case 24 persons were
charge sheeted. BNP-Jamat government withdrew the charge against one of the
main accused Tariqul Islam, alleged to have links with underground terrorist
groups of south Bangladesh, and made him a Minister. In the Kotalipara case 15
persons were charge sheeted and one of the main accused Mufti Hannan was let
off and reportedly he is abroad now. All action on the case stands stayed. The
CPB case also a final report has closed the case. Action on three other cases
has been held up on the plea of fresh investigation against new accused
persons. Of the three incidents occurring during Caretaker regime two have
already been closed by the junta by submitting final reports. It seems that the
junta is following a policy of closing all cases submitting final reports that
say that the case is true but criminals are not traceable. What can be a better
way of shielding the criminals after fishing in troubled waters in wrong
directions!
As
far as the later twelve incidents are concerned in only two cases – Sakhipur
and Dinajpur incidents charge sheets have been submitted and all the rest are
under investigation. In one of them involving attack on British High
Commissioner Scotland Yard came to look into the matter but there is no news on
what they did or what advice they tendered.The junta’s position on all the
cases is that the Awami League and its followers were responsible for the
incidents and they tried unsuccessfully to get this conclusion certified by a
judicial commission headed by a former Judge A Bari Sarkar. Incidentally the
report had to be trashed because of the partisan views and extra-judicial
inferences of Bari Sarkar. In another case of Gulshan Hotel Sylhet they
arrested an expatriate Bengali Nunu Mia because of his AL connections and
tortured him in custody but let him off after his MP from UK asked for proper
investigation The junta in each case actually shields the culprits by pointing
the accusing finger at AL leaders and workers. There are three important points
to ponder over. First, all acts of violence were directed at secular and
progressive institutions and Awami League or forces supporting Awami League.
Second, none of the attacks targeted any BNP or Jamat rallies or their leaders
and workers. Third, the frequency of such incidents increased from about the
time of transfer of power by AL government, to be precise there have been 15
incidents since June 2001.
A
tabular review of the major incidents of violence since 1999 is provided below:
Date of the case
|
Deaths
|
Place
|
State of Investigation
|
AL Period Bomb blasts
|
1. 7 March 1999
|
10
|
Jessore Udichi conference
|
Charge-sheet submitted against 24 accused persons during
AL time on 14 December 1999. Appeal lodged in the High Court Division to
quash the case was dismissed. After the junta took over accused Tariqul Islam
(now Minister) was let off by the Appellate Division. The trial has since
been halted and no further information is available.
|
2. 8 October 1999
|
8
|
Khulna Ahmadiya mosque
|
The case was under investigation and the Caretaker
government submitted final report closing it on 23 August 2001.
|
3. 20 July 2000
|
0
|
Kotalipara helipad Gopalganj
|
FBI called and charge-sheet submitted against 19 accused
persons during AL time on 8 April 2001. The junta bailed out accused Mufti
Hannan (a leader of the junta) and halted further proceedings. Mufti Hannan
was earlier charge-sheeted in another explosives case on 25 January 2001. No
further progress.
|
4. 20 January 2001
|
7
|
Dhaka CPB conference at Paltan Maidan
|
Investigations led to arrest of 12 suspects. Final report
closing the case was submitted by the junta on 17 December 2003.
|
5. 14 April 2001
|
11
|
Ramna Batamul Dhaka
|
Two cases filed during AL time and 12 suspects arrested.
But the junta ordered reinvestigation. No progress since then.
|
6. 3 June 2001
|
10
|
Gopalganj church at Moksedpur
|
Two cases filed during AL time. The junta ordered
reinvestigation. No progress since then.
|
7. 16 June 2001
|
22
|
Narayanganj AL office
|
Three cases filed during AL time. Two cases have been
closed by the junta and final reports submitted on 27 January 2003. The other
case has been halted for six months on 17 July 2004.
|
Caretaker Period Bomb blasts
|
1. 3 September 2001
|
8
|
Bagerhat AL rally at Mollahat
|
Case has been close and final report submitted on 7
December 2003.
|
2. 27 September 2001
|
4
|
Targeting Sylhet AL meeting
|
Under investigation.
|
3. 28 September 2001
|
3
|
Satkhira fair, Cinema hall & Lions Circus pandel
|
Case close and final report submitted 0n 31 January 2004.
|
BNP-Jamat Period Bomb blasts
|
1. 7 December 2002
|
27
|
Mymensingh four Cinema halls
|
AL leaders, intellectuals and journalists arrested and
tortured. But Judicial enquiry exonerated political activists. Investigation
proceeding in slow pace.
|
2. 17 January 2003
|
7
|
Sakhipur carnival Tangail
|
Investigation led to submission of charge sheet against 7
accused on 30 June 2003. But little progress thereafter.
|
3. 13 February 2003
|
0
|
Dinajpur
|
Charge-sheet submitted against 4 accused persons on 25 May
2004.
|
4. 13 January 2004
|
5
|
Shah Jalal Mazar Sylhet
|
No progress
|
5. 28 January 2004
|
2
|
Narayanganj Mela
|
No progress
|
6. 21 February 2004
|
0
|
Language day meet Mymensingh
|
No progress
|
7. 5 August 2004
|
1
|
Sylhet three Cinema halls
|
No progress
|
8. 5 September 2004
|
2
|
Sylhet Cantonment area
|
No progress
|
Grenade attack
|
9. 21 May 2004
|
5
|
Shah Jalal Mosque Sylhet. UK HC targeted.
|
No progress
|
10. 21 June 2004
|
3
|
AL meeting in Derai Sunamganj. S Sengupta MP targeted.
|
No progress
|
11.7 August 2004
|
1
|
Gulshan AL Meeting Sylhet. Mayor targeted.
|
Fishing for clues
|
12. 21 August 2004
|
23
|
Bangabandhu Ave AL office. Sk Hasina targeted.
|
Fishing for clues
|
Reportedly
a large number of localized gangs of terrorists function under the patronage of
leaders of the ruling junta. Notable among them are gangs associated with BNP
leaders such as Minister Tariqul Islam MP of Jessore, Advisor to PM S Q
Chowdhury MP of Chittagong, State Minister Lutfuzzaman Babar MP of Netrokona,
State Minister Amanullah Aman MP of Dhaka, State Minister Ehsanul Huq Milan MP
of Chandpur, Advisor to PM Barkatullah Bulu of Noakhali, State Minister Alamgir
Kabir MP of Naogaon, State Minister Fazlur Rahman Patal MP of Natore, Deputy
Minister Ruhul Quddus Dulu MP of Natore, Major (retd) Sayeed Iskandar MP of
Noakhali, PM’s son Tareq Rahman of Bogra, Helaluzzaman Lalu MP of Bogra, Selim
Reza Habib MP of Pabna, Nasiruddin Pintu MP of Dhaka, M Ilyas Ali MP of Sylhet,
Shahidul Alam Talukdar MP of Patuakhali and Shahjahan Chowdhury MP of
Chitta¬gong.
Another
worrisome point is the stance taken by the junta on the trial of the heinous
assassinations of 1975 – the assassination of Bangabandhu, his family and
colleagues on 15 August and the murder of the four leaders of our Liberation
war in jail on 3 November. The beneficiary of the assassination was undoubtedly
General Ziaur Rahman. He richly rewarded the killers with diplomatic
assignments. He also ensured indemnity for them by constitutionally protecting
the unethical and illegal Indemnity Order of 1975. The Awami League government
held the trial of the killers of 15 August 1975 under the normal law of the
land. The sentencing in the trial was completed and it awaited Supreme Court
ratification. Not only has this process been made impossible by this junta but
they have also chosen to bestow favour on sentenced criminals. Major Pasha died
as a fugitive from law who was sentenced to death. He has been reinstated after
his death and his family given his pension. In the 3 November 1975 jail killing
case, which had not concluded, the junta released a number of accused persons
on bail and reinstated Major Khairuzzaman and also gave him promotion. Some of
the killers when they enjoyed immunity set up an armed cadre called Freedom
Party and it went into hiding during the assassination and jail killing trials.
This cadre seems to have got a new lease of life as Khaleda-Nizami junta
assumed power. It would not be wild to speculate that some of these killers,
fugitive in the eyes of the law, may have been involved in the grenade attack.
They had publicly threatened to kill Sheikh Hasina when they were active and
interestingly live grenades were found within the covered walls of the jail
soon after the grenade attack of 21 August. Let it not be forgotten the leader
of the Freedom Party Col. Faruq is in the death row in the jail.
Growth of Extremism
The
extremists groups started forming with financial patronage from Saudi Arabia,
Libya and Iraq since the success of the Counter Revolution in 1975. These
sources have now gone dry. The Madrassas and camps for Indian insurgents in
border areas of Chittagong, Hill Tracts and Sylhet acted as the early breeding
ground for the extremists. Awami League government destroyed most training
camps taking advantage of peace accord with the tribes of Hill Tracts. It is
suspected that many of them have resurfaced again. Another breeding ground was
the Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar where Jamat with Saudi NGO Rabita
remained active. Madrassa and Maktabs in 1974 were about 1500, today their
number is about 21,000. Most of them are archaic institutions preaching
superstition and fundamentalism. AL government targeted some extremist groups
such as Harkatul Jehad and some Madrassas but these were lukewarm steps.
Under
BNP-Jamat government the extremists’ groups have glory days, indeed. Most of
them are closely associated with Jamat while some others have links with left
turncoats now in BNP. They are identified and occasionally arrested or banned
but secretly the ruling junta nurtures them. It is also noteworthy that
prominent rightist leaders who are now in power publicly boast of
fundamentalist revolution in Bangladesh and burial of secular traditions. Just
a few cases are enumerated below:
· On 8 March
1999 in a public meeting in Dhaka Fazlul Huq Amini (now an Alliance MP)
thundered, “I am a follower of Osama bin Laden, I am a Taliban. Crores of
Taliban are in this country. Hence like Afghanistan here also will be Taliban
revolution.” There were others to beat the same drum. They have never recanted
or revised their position.
· Sohrab
Khan a leader of Hijbut Towhid was arrested on 19 September 2001 in south
Bangladesh. He was released and rearrested on 17 June 2002. This group is
active in Kushtia, Meherpur, Chuadanga, Jhenidah, Barisal, Madaripur,
Gopalganj, Tangail, Narayanganj, Sylhet and Chittagong. They not only preach
violence but also attack villages and kills people. But there is no attempt to
curb their activities.
· On 20 May
2002 the police nabbed a group of eight extremist of Jamatul Mujahidin in
Dinajpur, supposed to be linked to Kashmiri and Taliban extremists. They were
enlarged on bail and soon afterwards another group of five was arrested in
Bagerhat with a huge cachet of explosives, who admitted that they wanted to
kill an Awami League leader. They were also released after a while. The bomb
blast in Dinajpur on 13 February 2003 was also traced to this group but no
arrests were made. Then followed the big haul in Chapai Nawabganj on 11 March
2003 of both arms and activists. But this Jamat is active in many districts
such as Dinajpur, Panchagarh, Thakurgaon, Gaibandha, Joypurhat, Bogra, Naogaon,
Chapai Nawabganj, Jamalpur, Kishoreganj & Bagerhat.
· On 6
December 2002 Khatib of Baitul Mokarram Obaidul Huq, recalled from retirement
by the junta, sermonized that celebration of the Bengali New Year’s Day is not
for Muslims. He also makes outlandish remarks about destroying other countries
and ostracizing Qadiyanis. He is a favourite of Khaleda Zia.
· On 8
February 2003 one Kawsar Siddiqi held a press conference in Rajshahi announcing
the emergence of Shahadat al Hikma organized in military formations with the
avowed purpose of defying the core values of Bangladesh. This group claiming
36,000 trained volunteers preached straightforward sedition and the patronizing
government had difficulty in holding them in check.
· The month
of May 2004 was full of stories on exploits of one Azizur Rahman alias Siddiqur
Rahman better known as Bangla Bhai. With the support of police he created havoc
in north Bangladesh in the name of punishing the so-called communist
Sarbaharas. The Prime Minister ordered his arrest but the Jamat Minister Nizami
announced that he was a mythical figure and the scoundrel is still functioning
executing his extreme laws of brutal killing, arson and destruction.
· All
political murders in Khulna or Jessore are attributed to Janajuddaha, a
clandestine extremist cadre. It is reported that a terrorist arrested by AL
government by making a deal with some powerful leaders of the BNP-Jamat
Alliance escaped captivity. Very soon his reincarnation meant the emergence of
Janajuddha.
Progress
in investigation of incidents of violence
What
transpires is that terrorism is flourishing in the country and extremists
groups are having a field day. There is no genuine attempt at arresting the
present trend of exponential growth in violence and extremism. Investigations
are not made seriously, cases are hushed up after trying unsuccessfully to blame
the AL and the government really nurse and encourage the breakdown of law and
order. Partly it is because of their past links and habits and partly it is
because they have politicized and ruined the efficiency of the police and
perhaps partly because of the utter incompetence of the junta.
There
have been a number of interceptions of smuggled arms such as at Kahalu in
Bogra, at Uttara and Kuril in the outskirts of Dhaka and at CUFL jetty in
Chittagong. In each case the investigation has been directed against AL workers
or innocent low level labourers although BNP-Jamat activists are clearly
involved. The moment an investigation points at ruling junta goons or leaders
it comes to a grinding halt. In the Chittagong case the trial court has been
asking searching questions about investiga¬tion details, preservation of
evidence and charging the real culprits. Reportedly SQ Chowdhury MP’s vessels
were carrying the explosives and they were being unloaded at a jetty under the
control of the Jamat Minister Nizami. Incidentally SQ Chowdhury only a few days
back threatened to take on Sheikh Hasina as he accused her of preventing his
election as Secretary General of OIC.
There
is no progress similarly in any investigation or any information on what is
happening. They further allege that the ruling junta and terrorist groups under
its patronage perpetrate all these acts. Terrorism comes naturally to BNP; its
founder engaged the DGFI and NSI (units of law enforcing agencies) to organize
terrorists among students and youth and this process was strengthened under
Khaleda Zia’s earlier term as the Prime Minister. Jamat maintains arms cadre
because their objective is assumption of state power by hook or by crook and
they stand committed to jehad or religious war.
Government
Performance after the Attack
Now
let us direct our attention specifically to the grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina
on 21 August at Bangabandhu Avenue. What is the perception of the government
about this national tragedy? How have they reacted to it? What steps have the
government taken since then? Have they been sincere in dealing with a national
tragedy? Does their attitude or action inspire any trust and confidence in
their ability to cope with the crisis?
· Far from
experiencing shock and grief on this tragic and somber occasion the government
tried to throttle natural expression of condolence and grief. They beat up
condolence processions and meetings all over the country. They even disgraced
the last religious rites (i.e. JANAZA) of the dead people by deliberately
delaying the delivery of dead bodies and possibly secreted some dead bodies as
well. Janaza of respected national leader Ivy Rahman could not be held at her
hometown because of violent resistance by BNP goons backed up by the police.
· Khaleda
Zia and others of the government issued statements condoling the death of the
victims of the attack and sympathizing with their relations, friends and
colleagues. But strangely although the entire nation thought so the ruling
junta never acknowledged that it was an attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life. They
emphasized only the destabilizing impact of the attack. Khaleda Zia as per news
reports even chided her coalition partners for condemning the attack on Sheikh
Hasina. Then Khaleda Zia, apparently on second thought, staged a public
relations gimmick of calling on Sheikh Hasina. The wish was expressed with
great fanfare to the press before it was made to the victim. Is not it a little
weird that the statement on the so-called desire for a meeting should be so
drafted as to annoy Sheikh Hasina and then the fiasco about visiting her should
be carefully orchestrated? Interestingly the press was given the statement well
before it was faxed to Sheikh Hasina. Could not one surmise under the
circumstances that the government thinks that if Hitler, Mussolini or Salazar
could achieve so much without the existence of so powerful media and so
destructive weapons of suppression, for them equipped with modern tools the sky
is the limit for goebelian lies and high handed operations?
· The
government has taken some steps against petty employees for dereliction of duty
in connection with the grenade attack. But just look at the people against whom
action has been taken. 10 prison guards have been suspended because they could
not explain how a grenade was found within the walled jail compound. For
failure to give due importance to the news the Director General of BTV has been
made an OSD and the Producer has been suspended. An intelligence failure of
such magnitude and a security mess in the presence of hundreds of policemen on
duty do not seem to have registered with the government. No action has been
taken against the State Minister for Home, the Home Secretary, the Inspector
General of Police, the Dhaka Police Commissioner or the Heads of Intelligence
Agencies or Police Officers in charge of the event. Nor has anyone of them
offered to resign. Not even anyone in charge of various services at the place
of occurrence has been closed or transferred to facilitate unbiased
investigation.
· Then to
hoodwink the people they set up a commission of enquiry with one Judge of
questionable neutrality, who was even rejected by the Supreme Court lawyers
association. Rejected by the political opposition and by the lawyers of the
Supreme Court this Judge without any sense of honour went ahead with his
enquiry. His publicity campaign before and after submitting his report only
confirms his partisan nature and his habit of making unsubstantiated political
statement. On the other hand the Supreme Court Bar association set up a
commission of its own but the government is not giving them any quarters yet.
· In order
to further deceive the people they sought assistance from Interpol. Interpol is
a federation of all police forces of the world and they can provide technical
assistance to any member country by drawing on the pooled resources of the
world. But they work as directed and supervised by the host government. Surely
they make their own judgment but it is obviously based on what they get to know
from their hosts. They also report to their hosts. This could be a good
investigation but since the government draws the terms of reference, the
government provides the facts and information and the government decides what to
do with their views and reports this cannot by any stretch of imagination be a
neutral investigation.
· If a
proper and neutral enquiry was really wanted or if a competent investigation
was really desired there were ways to do it. In the first instance in this
climate of mistrust and questionable credentials of the government the enquiry
should have been finalized in consultation with the Opposition. The
investigation should have been started forthwith with superintendence vested in
some bipartisan authority. Many other ways could be thought of to give due
importance to the catastrophe and ensure a national response.
· Instead a
normal investigation was launched and it could not be more incompetent or more
inefficient. As per newspaper reports for five days the investigating team did
not visit the place of occurrence nor did they inspect the bullet struck
vehicle till much later. Then they collected exhibits from the place of
occurrence from AL workers and volunteers who preserved them and it is now well
known that they have not only contaminated them but also destroyed some of
them. They removed the truck that was converted into the podium and handed it
back to the owner, possibly to wipe off all useful evidence. They seized all
videotapes on the incident and what is the guarantee that they have not
doctored them? It is not known if they instantaneously interrogated any
eye-witnesses or suspects except one of their own who was on security duty with
Sheikh Hasina. It is reported that the Interpol teams were shocked by the
appalling incompetence of the investigation.
A
Proper and Neutral Enquiry & Investigation
Awami
League from the very beginning has been asking for a thorough enquiry and
unbiased and competent investigation. As stated above they have no trust in the
government – neither on its capacity nor on its willingness. They believe that
the government is a party to the conspiracy that was bold enough to stage the
attack and vanish into thin air after making the partially failed attempt. They
suggested that either the Commonwealth secretariat could handle the job or the
UN could be invited to do it.
The
Commonwealth secretariat does not have a police force or investigative arm at
all. But it has the capacity to mount any operation when requested by a member
country. They could get police forces of many members to form a team to
undertake the assignment. In this case the investigation team would report to
the C’wealth secretariat. They would define the terms of reference certainly in
consultation with the parties in Bangladesh. They would ask for making
available all information to the investigation team. The team would be
responsible to them. It would not involve any surrender of sovereignty to a
foreign country.
The
other alternative is the United Nations. Interpol already has an agreement with
the UN to assist the Office of Internal Oversight, which is its audit office.
So there is the possibility of UN using the services of Interpol. But more
germane than this is the mechanism set up on 28 September 2001 by resolution
1373 to deal with international terrorism. It has set up a Counter-Terrorism
Committee of the Security Council to implement the resolution. The Secretary
General in his turn under the direction of the Committee has set up an Executive
Directorate for the Counter-Terrorism Committee. This Directorate has a staff
at its disposal mainly to collect information on efforts of member states to
counter terrorism, to provide technical assistance to them to enhance their
capacities and to ensure follow-up of the Committee’s decisions. This has
in-house capacity and it can call on Interpol or national police agencies for
support.
All
governments are required to report on the counter terrorism measures and
activities in their countries. In such reports legislation on
counter-terrorism, machinery for executing the laws, and the actual actions and
omissions are covered. In fact, a report on the state of counter-terrorism is
provided. Bangladesh submitted its report for 2002 and the report for 2003 is
due. The incident of 21 August is serious enough for the Counter-Terrorism
Committee to get involved in its reporting and assessment. Bangladesh
government should ask UN Counter-Terrorism Committee to undertake this
investigation. This is the only way to avoid interventions by individual
countries willing to help and seek multilateral intervention. No investigation
of which the tainted government of Khaleda Zia is in charge has any credibility
or acceptance.
Newsletter। Vol. 3, No. 17, October07,
2004
Bangladesh
Awami League Publication
প্রধানমন্ত্রী ও আওয়ামী লীগ সভাপতি শেখ হাসিনা বলেছেন, 'কিছু মানুষ আছেন, তারা বলেন- দেশের অবস্থা ভালো না। কেন ভালো না তা তারা বলতে পারেন না।' প্রধানমন্ত্রী বলেন, 'আমরা গ্রামের মানুষের উন্নয়ন করছি। এটা তাদের ভালো লাগে না। এরা বিভিন্ন সরকারের সময়ই সুযোগ সুবিধা নিতে চায়। গ্রামের মানুষের উন্নয়নে তাদের পাওয়ায় বোধ হয় টান পড়ে। তাই তারা বলেন- দেশের অবস্থা ভালো না।' প্রধানমন্ত্রী বলেন, 'তারা কি বিএনপি সরকারের সময়কার কথা ভুলে গেছেন? তখন প্রতিদিনই দেশে বোমা ফুটতো। ৬৩ জেলায় এক সঙ্গে বোমা ফুটেছিলো। বাংলা ভাইয়ের অত্যাচার-নির্যাতন বিশ্বে বাংলাদেশকে জঙ্গিবাদের দেশ হিসেবে পরিচিত করে তুলেছিলো। বাংলাদেশ এখন আর সেই জঙ্গিবাদের দেশ নেই। উন্নয়নের মডেল হিসেবে বাংলাদেশ পরিচয় লাভ করেছে।' শনিবার সকালে গণভবনে কুড়িগ্রাম জেলা আওয়ামী লীগের তৃণমূল নেতাদের সঙ্গে মতবিনিময়কালে তিনি এ কথা বলেন। প্রধানমন্ত্রী বলেন, 'কিন্তু প্রতিদিন বোমা না ফাটলে বোধ হয় কিছু লোকের ভালো লাগে না। তাই তাদের মনে শান্তি নেই। মানুষ শান্তিতে থাকলে তারা অশান্তিতে থাকেন।' তিনি বলেন, 'বিএনপি আমলে যে অত্যাচার নির্যাতন হয়েছে সেটাও পত্রপত্রিকায় লেখা যেতো না। লিখলেই তাদের ওপর অত্যাচার-নির্যাতন নেমে আসতো। কিন্তু আমাদের সময় পত্রপত্রিকাগুলো স্বাধীনতা ভোগ করছে। সব কিছুই লিখতে পারছে। এমনকি ভুয়া তথ্য দিয়েও লেখালেখি হচ্ছে। এরপরও তারা বলছে- দেশের অবস্থা ভালো না। আসলে তারা মানুষের শান্তি চায় না।' 'আওয়ামী লীগের লক্ষ্য মানুষের অধিকার নিশ্চিত করা' মন্তব্য করে প্রধানমন্ত্রী বলেন, 'অগণতান্ত্রিক কোন শক্তি যাতে আর জনগণের ক্ষমতা কেড়ে নিতে না পারে সংবিধান সংশোধন করে সে অধিকার নিশ্চিত করেছি।' তিনি আরো বলেন, "যারা ভালো দেখেন না, তারা চান না মানুষ একটু ভালো থাকুক। জনগণ স্বস্তিতে থাকুক। আমরা যখন গরিব মানুষকে দিচ্ছি, তখন তাদের যত হা-হুতাশ। গ্রামের মানুষের কোনো হা-হুতাশ নেই।" "মিডিয়া টক'শোতে এক চিত্র, আর গ্রামে গেলে আরেক চিত্র," যোগ করেন শেখ হাসিনা। 
